The Christian Association of Business Executives :

Church of St James Garlickhythe, London EC4

Tuesday - 7 October 1997 at 7 p.m.

"IRELAND : TO BE OR NOT TO BE ..."

The Importance of Attitudes

The Most Reverend Dr Robin Eames,

Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of All Ireland

Hugh Kay and Ireland:

On 21 July 1982 the late Hugh Kay in whose memory these lectures have been founded broadcast one of his many fascinating contributions to the ‘Thought for the Day’ on BBC Radio 4. It took the form of a personal message to ‘Michael’ and followed a bomb outrage the day before. The words he used were so typical of the humanity, compassion and Christian faith which marked his life and personal witness. It is a great honour to deliver the 1997 Lecture and to pay my own tribute to a remarkable man. In that 1982 talk Hugh pleaded with the IRA to end its violence. He said:

"You see, Michael, I feel you are not fighting an overwhelming reality, but serving a mystique - which no more justifies your war than a misplaced piety justified the Crusades."

This evening fifteen years later there have been developments which would have seemed impossible when Kay made that broadcast. Who could have imagined a period of ceasefires or that unionists would have been engaging in a series of talks which included Sinn Fein? Who would have imagined that the peace process would have moved to dialogue? But that same Ireland continues to pose questions for all who live in these islands which are as profound as they are practical, significant as they are urgent and realistic as they involve the whole panorama of human rights and duties, the whole tapestry of the quality of life.

Purpose:

My purpose in this lecture is to attempt some reflection not on the past, but in a way which I believe Hugh Kay would approve, on the future - the way ahead and to examine one vital aspect of that future : human attitudes.

I approach this task as a churchman whose responsibilities transcend the border in Ireland and whose experience of a life-time of pastoral duties have propelled me into so many situations directly linked to the tragedies as well as the possibilities of the Irish issue.

Religious leadership:

Religious leadership in Ireland is subjected to many pressures. The priority of the Christian Gospel once referred to by Hugh Kay as ‘the real reality’ compels that leadership to constantly seek and communicate the transparency of divine and incarnational hope and Christian compassion. My friend Desmond Tutu once reflected with me on such questions. I recall his words "The incarnation leaves us no choice. Calvary means we cannot have a solitary agenda." A solitary agenda. Ireland has had a lengthy Good Friday. What are the hopes for a new Easter Day?

Importance of attitudes:

It is my firm conviction that the first real light of that Irish Easter Day will depend not on entirely constitutional agreements alone or even the current party political discussions vital though they are. It will depend on the attitude of a people divided by the mistakes and the tragedies of past generations. Thus the thesis of my lecture is the vital importance of human reaction and attitude as the determining factor for the future of Northern Ireland. In my experience it is in the hearts, minds and actions of people that a solution will emerge or be rejected.

Conditioning of people:

First then, let us consider what has conditioned people in Northern Ireland to feel and react as they do at present. There are many factors under this heading.

• Years of violence have left their mark on both communities. Northern Ireland is a relatively small and close-knit community and it is virtually impossible to find a single family which has not been touched in some way by those violent years. At most families mourn the loss of a member and at least they know someone who was killed or injured. Those memories run deep and if we want to talk about a healing process those hurts must be addressed for they not only concern an element of fear that we would return to the darkness of the past, they dictate attitudes to questions of decommissioning of weapons and the inclusion of paramilitary representatives at political talks.

• Within the Roman Catholic community there has long been the grievance that for years they experienced life as ‘second class citizens’ socially and politically. The years of the past when they suffered the results of unfair distribution of housing, jobs and professional opportunities for advancement are vividly recalled. Undoubtedly there was justification for those feelings of bitterness. The Civil Rights period high-lighted a sense of grievance which remains to a lesser degree today. Much has changed and continues to change in this area. Northern Ireland now has the strictest anti-discrimination legislation of Western Europe in employment. All non-religious institutions in Northern Ireland employing more than five persons are required by law to monitor the perceived religious affiliations of their work force. The allocation of housing has been transformed until now large housing estates in traditional nationalist areas represent a wind of change for the better. Roman Catholics occupy some of the most senior positions in the public and private sectors. Indeed there are those in the loyalist community who would claim that the majority population is now disadvantaged. In party political terms the battle for the hearts and minds of the Roman Catholic community is between the nationalism of the S.D.L.P. And the republicanism of Sinn Fein. Belfast has a nationalist Lord Mayor, Sinn Fein has an increased representation in parliamentary seats and nationalism/ republicanism control several rural councils. The political map of 1997 is much different from the political map of 1969 when the violence erupted. Yet so far as attitudes of people are concerned the sense of injustice exhibited over the years continues to dominate much of the public expressions of Roman Catholic religious and political leaders.

• Protestantism continues to provide the overall largest numerical community in Northern Ireland. But it is a fragmented picture. Unionism has different faces. The basic belief and aspiration for continued membership of the United Kingdom underlines its philosophy. It is how that philosophy is expressed that causes the difference in emphasises within what is termed the ‘Unionist family’. The years of unquestioned unionist dominance are long gone. The tacit acceptance of one philosophy of the union is long gone. The challenge to think about the implications of that union and the challenge to face opposition to it is producing a new awareness of the need to communicate what sort of unionism people want. At present Protestantism and unionism is undergoing a period of deep heart-searching. History has shown that under pressure Protestantism and unionism fragments. It feels threatened - indeed it has always harboured impressions of threat. It perceives over a quarter of a century of violence as primarily directed against the union and against Protestants. Until recently much of Protestantism has felt marginalised in the peace process. It questions the long-term intentions of Westminster and therefore views any reform which is geared to redress the balance between the two communities in terms of some sort of manipulation of the union to its disadvantage. Over the years this sense of threat has produced an almost obsessive suspicion of any proposal which could contain a ‘hidden agenda’ to the disadvantage of unionism. Extremes in Protestantism and unionism have played on this attitude to their advantage at the polls.

Perceptions:

The cumulative effect of these perceptions play a large role in determining the attitude of Northern Ireland Protestants and unionists. The mixture of ‘siege mentality’, uncertainty as to the precise intentions of political opponents, apprehension born of years of violence and uncertainty as to whom they may regard as friends have contributed to a community reluctant to embrace reform lest the ultimate dread of a united Ireland in which their ethos and culture would be obliterated would be forced upon them. They have suffered from the perception that they will continue to be a community of intransigence. For them there are very good reasons to exercise caution. For their opponents those reasons are often viewed as excuses to remain defensive and reluctant to embrace social or political change. Given the religious/party political scenario of Northern Ireland it is easy to see how over-identification of perceptions plays such a crucial role in everyday life. To be born a Protestant means a life-time of some form of unionism. To be born a Roman Catholic is to grow up in the influence of nationalism or republicanism. It is equally easy to understand how the religious identity becomes the party political and vice versa.

What Influences the nature of attitudes?

There are several clearly defined influences which determine human attitudes.

There is the community ethos as well as the personal or individual background. In the close-knit communities of Northern Ireland community awareness dominates. The over-identification of religion and party politics means that the religious label is commensurate with the party political in the perception of most people.

This fact presents particular problems for Church leadership as I have indicated earlier.

Given the history of unionism a Protestant is usually conditioned by the experiences or perceived experiences of the unionist community. Tales of so-called betrayal or government manipulation form a vital part of that heritage. Commentators frequently refer to the "siege mentality"- and with good cause. On the extremes of Protestantism and unionism fears can be played upon and apprehensions from the past can be re-activated in a crisis. The middle-ground or silent majority of the Protestant community does exist and there is evidence to suggest it is beginning to assert itself more forcibly. But in both the Protestant and Roman Catholic communities many are captives of their past and hostages to their inherited perceptions. The consequence is that today attitudes can quickly harden if evidence is produced which indicates or appears to indicate that "the other side" as represented by its political or religious expressions, is involved in situations or policies which could undermine the stability of their neighbours.

A second attitude-influence is history. Protestantism talks of a failure by nationalism and republicanism to support the status and life of the Province. Roman Catholicism talks of years of discrimination and injustice. Unionism has in the past quickly identified what is now termed ‘the pan nationalist front’ with efforts to change the status of Northern Ireland against the will of the majority. Nationalism points to the intransigence of unionism when changes or dialogue are proposed which they perceive could bring greater equality and remove injustice. Perceptions can quickly become the reality in Northern Ireland. Many of those perceptions stem from history. Many of them formulate the attitudes of today.

Third, attitudes are influenced by events. Protestantism interprets over a quarter of a century of IRA violence as a sectarian attack on their community. Roman Catholicism views loyalist paramilitary activity as directed against their entire community. Both perceptions have foundation in fact. Thus a sectarian motive is attributed to acts of violence just as much as they are perceived to be ‘attack’ or ‘defence’ of the constitutional position.

Attitudes are also influenced by religion and culture. Religion is a part of the problem, though only a part. If it is, it has got to be part of the solution. The Churches need to recognise again the part they have played in fostering division and divisive attitudes. My own Church, the Church of Ireland, is at present engaged in a deep analysis of sectarianism as it appears in our ethos and life. Culture is equally important in forming attitudes. Irish culture, Irish language and Irish art forms are by tradition viewed by the loyalist community as "un-British". Protestantism has an identity crisis. Is its culture Irish or British? How much can it identify with the richness of the diversity of Irish culture without losing its union-based philosophy? The renaissance in Irish culture is too often interpreted by loyalism as further evidence of a destabilising influence. So it continues on both sides.

Above all attitudes are dictated by thoughts of the future. Nationalism and republicanism engender aspirations to a united Ireland. Unionism despite its difficulties in defining the full structure of the union contains a dogged determination to maintain the constitutional link with Great Britain. It is possible of late to detect a shift in emphasis in both cases. Recent statements by nationalist and republican spokes-persons appear to acknowledge that while the long-term objective remains there are intermediate stages such as equality, justice and fair treatment. Unionism increasingly talks about the element of consent. This is much more than consent to constitutional issues. It lies deeper in the Protestant mind-set. It refers to consent to ethos, culture, religious freedom and the right to maintain and be assured that it can maintain principles which it too often perceives as being under threat. These are just some of the issues demanding attention at the current Stormont talks.

Diversity:

How then is a situation to be created where community harmony is a reality?

There is a historic Anglican phrase which seems to me to be most appropriate for Northern Ireland : "Living with diversity." The future of the Province depends entirely on how diversity in peace, diversity in accommodation and diversity in confidence can become a reality. It also depends in my submission in this lecture on how attitudes can be so engendered to allow it to happen. Politicians must dwell in the art of the possible. Churches must divorce themselves from sectarianism. Governments must be ‘open’ in their dealings. Neither community must be allowed to go into the future harbouring deep resentment or anger. Dialogue must become the norm and violence must end. Neither community must be treated or be perceived to be treated less fairly than the other. There is unemployment and poverty in the Protestant community just as there is in the Roman Catholic. There are examples of Protestant feelings of injustice just as there are Roman Catholic. In truth there is more which unites the two communities in so-called ‘bread and butter’ issues than divides them. From the religious stand-point the simplicity of the phrase "we have too much religion and too little Christianity in Northern Ireland" can be matched in another sphere by "if we do not live together we will die together."

Protestant Community:

Protestantism in Northern Ireland as a community is not always recognised as the diverse grouping it in fact is. In the religious sense it is composed of Presbyterians, Methodists, Church of Ireland (Anglicans), Congregationalists, Baptists, Free Presbyterians, Free Methodists and a veritable host of smaller groupings. It also comprises many with no real Church connection but who claim Protestantism and unionism as flags of convenience. The mission hall phenomena has long been a tradition in Protestant areas and Protestantism throughout its history has been marked by a strong evangelical flavour. Ecumenism is viewed with suspicion in many quarters where co-operation between Protestant groupings is acceptable but links with Roman Catholicism are opposed with varying degrees of hostility. It is debatable the extent to which this opposition is theologically or politically inspired. Research would tend to suggest that many Protestants in strongly loyalist areas oppose any contact with Roman Catholicism for mainly political reasons while seeking justification on assumed doctrinal grounds. It is clearly only a short step to become involved in sectarianism. Many loyalists define their identity by what they are not. They are not Roman Catholics and they are not Republicans or Nationalists. Throughout the history of Northern Ireland extreme Protestantism and extreme unionism has regarded Roman Catholicism as synonymous with nationalism and republicanism and therefore an entity opposed to the very union they hold so dear. In those terms ecumenism involving contact with the Roman Catholic Church is perceived to be some sort of surrender of deeply-held principles. In the main those Protestants who support an ecumenical stance would be middle-class. They are regarded by a majority of their co-religionists as at worst suspect and at best as mis-guided ‘enthusiasts’. This sort of attitude is the stark reality confronting what would in many other countries be termed ‘the norm’. For many years the Ballymascanlon Conference has brought together representatives of the main Christian traditions in Ireland, north and south. This series continues to this day but I well recall the opposition to the first such Conference expressed by militant anti-ecumenical Protestantism. The leaders of the four main Churches maintain regular contact and the reality of ‘The Four Church Leaders’ is now an accepted part of the Northern Ireland scene. Accepted - but not universally regarded.

Protestantism and unionism has suffered because of the perception held of its attitudes without sufficient attention being paid to why those attitudes exist. I have tried to mention some of the main reasons. But something more must be said in all fairness.

The future - removal of resentment:

If there is to be a future of confidence, an absence of violence, an end to sectarian division neither community can be allowed to move forward with deep resentment, suspicion, presumed or real hurt or injustice. For Protestants and unionists there must be a new era of self-confidence - confidence in themselves and confidence in their neighbours. That confidence will depend on attitude - their attitude to their neighbour and Roman Catholic, nationalist or republican attitude to them. That confidence will come if they feel they have a future in the land of their birth no matter what changes are proposed. ‘The union’ is for the vast majority the corner-stone. Accommodation must be removed from the atmosphere of complete surrender of principle. The perception and genuine feeling of Protestants that they have been compelled to surrender too much of their ethos or rights must end. The perception that they are the ‘threatened community’ must end. Unionism is just as legitimate a political philosophy as are nationalism or republicanism. The ‘British Irish’ have as much claim to justice and fair treatment as everyone else living on the island. While both communities must recognise the changes taking place in each other stability for the future will depend to a large degree on the feeling of stability within the unionist family. But that community must embrace a new attitude of understanding of what equality and fair treatment mean in practical ways. It has got to be a two way progress towards the future. Domination is a feature of the past. Understanding and reconciliation based on equality is the only way forward. That is the attitude we must all seek.

Such is the myriad of the component parts of the Northern Ireland Protestant scene.

Change:

It has been said that humanity reacts to change or the suggestion of change in two less than obvious ways. We either instigate change because it is of benefit to us personally or we condemn change suggested by others, not because we are totally opposed to it but because the idea has come from someone else. I have often reflected on this comment as I address the history of Northern Ireland. That history has shown that constitutional reform or proposals for the Province have suffered because of their timing or because of the source from which they have come. The Ulster Workers Strike overthrew a first tentative attempt at power-sharing. The agenda for that reform was perceived by loyalists to be ‘too much too soon.’ Opposition to the Anglo-Irish Agreement was widespread in the loyalist community. Apart from the obvious antagonism based on perceived Irish Republic involvement in Northern Ireland affairs the loyalist opposition contained much suspicion of ‘hidden agendas’ entered into by Westminster and Dublin. It was also very clear that loyalism resented a ‘lack of consultation’ at grass root level.

Grass roots:

Those two instances provide clear evidence to support the submission that reform or change affecting the unionist population of Northern Ireland will depend for success or failure on the response at grass root level of a community which is inherently suspicious of anything or anyone who will be perceived as undermining their constitutional position. They also illustrate the basic attitude of that population which has been defensive and stemming almost entirely from suspicion that all outside agencies will be opposed to it in varying degrees. Historically loyalism has viewed interest in Northern Ireland affairs from the United States as being pro-nationalist and pro-republican. It has viewed Westminster governments with equally varying degrees of suspicion : is there an ultimate agenda to push Northern Ireland into a united Ireland? Reassurances have fallen on ears which have apparently wanted to believe that this is the case. It is also true however that of recent times one can perceive a change in these perceptions. There are various reasons for this change. The U.S. administration has made definite steps to recognising there are two communities in Northern Ireland and despite the suspicion one senses a new reality at Westminster.

Attitude Changing?

Within Northern Ireland itself there is evidence that slowly, very slowly, the pendulum of loyalist attitude is changing. There is no change nor is there any likelihood of change to the constitutional issue. But there is a new sensitivity to relationships between the two communities. Decisions by various Loyal Orders to re-route marches for whatever reason lowered the temperature of last summer. Unionist politicians have engaged in a wide-ranging consultation with the community at large to ascertain views on the way forward. Unionist spokespersons have debated with Sinn Fein in the media. Now the major Unionist party has entered the Stormont talks. I for one also believe there is a change taking place in Republican philosophy. While it has yet to really understand the depth of unionist fears or the real reasons for them and while it has yet to really understand Protestantism I detect a growing consciousness that a simplistic view of Protestantism and unionism is no longer adequate. Small steps - but are we seeing the first tentative moves towards a new openness and a new aura of more understanding of each other?

Sectarianism:

Attitude also holds the key to the real cancer of life in Northern Ireland : sectarianism. For generations sectarianism has dominated those attitudes and dictated events. It has on one hand provided the extremes with an excuse for violence and on the other dictated social, political and religious relationships. It lies deep in our history. It remains today the over-riding influence. But here again do we see a movement? I am horrified at how deep personal attitudes can be influenced in a sectarian way. As a Churchman I believe it is the single most corrosive element in Ulster life. In 1987 the late Cardinal O’Fiaich and I described it as the ‘lethal toxin’ of community life which at times ‘threatened to overwhelm us.’ It contains many manifestations. It involves such questions as how the different religious groups have regarded each other in their doctrinal statements and formalities and in their public stances. It concerns how our society has created and maintained separation, division and conflict. It has operated in such areas as education, jobs, housing, ghettos, justice and criminal issues and the influence of Loyalist and Nationalist Orders. For the Churches it involves questions about identification with Unionism on the part of the Protestant tradition and Nationalism on the part of Roman Catholicism. It poses the central issue of how we can promote reconciliation and positive, realistic and acceptable respect for difference. This is the real core of the issue. For reconciliation like ecumenism is viewed by too many as weakness rather than strength, surrender of principle rather than accommodation.

Paradox:

Northern Ireland possesses a strange paradox today. There is a longing for peace but there is also deep division between the two communities. Those who have been involved in the violence were themselves nurtured in a climate of mutual mistrust. Few people in Northern Ireland can absolve themselves from all responsibility for that mistrust. Sectarianism springs from attitudes which through the years have been fostered and indeed valued by both sides. New political structures will emerge in time and institutional reform continues. But by themselves they are not enough. The atmosphere has to change. Attitudes have to change. New ways of building relationships must emerge. New trust is essential. It will involve change. It involves new hope and new vision - but hope and vision which will survive because attitudes have changed.

The Ulster poet Seamus Heaney has written these words :

"History says ‘Don’t hope on this side of the grave’ but then once in a lifetime the longed-for tidal wave of justice can rise up. And hope and history rhyme. So hope for a great sea-change on the far side of revenge. Believe that a further shore is reachable from here."

Hearts and minds:

I return to the thesis of my lecture. Change starts not with institutional or political reform. Change comes not through the imposition of reform. Change comes not with the headlines of dramatic pronouncements. Real change comes when enough hearts and minds want it. Real change comes when attitudes are expectant and welcoming of change. Attitudes hold the key. The real battle for Northern Ireland is for the hearts and minds of a population who deserve much more than they have so far experienced. The way in which change is communicated and expressed, the way in which it is shown to have actual advantage for people’s lives and the timing of it hold the key. Perhaps the most important consequence of the thesis of this lecture must be this. If a settlement emerges from the current Stormont dialogue and we all hope and pray it will - it will be the attitude of people which will determine its acceptance or rejection, its success or failure.

Hope: